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ZERO PALESTINIAN EVICTIONS, NOW! | لا لإقصاء الفلسطينيين، والآن! | אפס פינויים של פלסטינים, עכשיו!

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*see French, Spanish, Japanese and Swedish versions attached below

The inhabitants’ associations, international networks, voluntary groups, NGOs, public agencies, citizens of the world, express their indignation at and denounce Israel’s continual policies of eviction and demolition carried out against the Palestinian people, both Palestinians ’48 (citizens of Israel) and Palestinians ’67 (in the Occupied Palestinian Territory).

The Israeli Ministry of the Interior demolishes hundreds of homes of its own Palestinian citizens every year due to zoning and planning schemes intentionally insufficient for the needs of the communities. There are, in addition, dozens of villages not recognized by the government whose residents live in the constant instability that comes with pending eviction and demolitions. These evictions and demolitions are carried out under the pretense of “upholding the law” despite being in violation of international laws.

The Municipality of Jerusalem, the Civil Administration and the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) have demolished over 24,000 Palestinian homes in the Occupied Palestinian Territory since 1967 under pretenses of “upholding the laws” of zoning and planning (administrative), as collective punishment (punitive), and during military and “land-cleaning” operations. The administrative and punitive demolitions are clear violations of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 and the IDF itself found that it would be “very difficult to justify from a legal perspective” much of the destruction carried out in the December 2008 and January 2009 attacks on the Gaza Strip. These three institutions also coordinate or facilitate the takeovers of Palestinian lands and houses by Israeli settlers in violation of international law.

The demolitions and evictions clearly violate the following international laws and covenants ratified by Israel:

The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilians During Wartime (articles 53, 147) (1949)

The International Covenant Against Torture (art. 16), despite the Concluding Observations of the CAT (2002)

The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (art. 11), despite the Concluding Observations of the CESCR (2003)

The Convention on the Rights of the Child (art. 27), despite the Concluding Observations of the CRC (2002)

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (articles 7, 12, 17, 26), despite the Concluding Observations of the CCPR (2003)

The International Convention on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (art. 14), despite the Concluding Comments of the CEDAW (2005)

The International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination (articles 2, 3, 5), despite the Concluding Observations of the CERD (2007)

Therefore the inhabitants’ associations, international networks, voluntary groups, NGOs and public agencies, have decided to launch the Zero Palestinian Evictions Campaign, Now!

Please subscribe to the solidarity call now!



We, inhabitants’ associations, international networks, voluntary groups, NGOs, public agencies, citizens of the world, express our indignation at and denounce Israel’s continual policies of eviction and demolition carried out against the Palestinian people, both Palestinians ’48 (citizens of Israel) and Palestinians ’67 (in the Occupied Palestinian Territories). These demolitions and evictions clearly violate international law.

Therefore, we condemn these violations and appeal to:

The Government of Israel:

To immediately cease the demolition the homes of Palestinian citizens of Israel and, as an Occupying Power, the homes of Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories;

To integrate zoning and planning practices that suit the cultural and economic needs of all its citizens into national plans;

To comply, as the Occupying Power, comply with the Fourth Geneva Convention and end the collective punishment employed through punitive demolitions;

To end the occupation and withdraw from occupied Palestine instead of defending the status quo by using military actions that destroy thousands of homes, wreck havoc on the local urban infrastructure and greatly conscribe the future potential of Palestine;

To end the evictions and settler takeovers of houses and land in East Jerusalem, Hebron and throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory;

To end the confiscation of land from Palestinian citizens of Israel;

To provide immediate reparation, including restitution of property, return of displaced persons, compensation, adequate alternative accommodation, rehabilitation, apology and guarantees for non-repetition to all the inhabitants, including tenants, affected by the demolitions who have lost their accommodation and/or personal belongings in the process, and who have become homeless and/or jobless as a result thereof.

To provide a forum where the Governments of Israel and occupied Palestine, all the interested parties, including the recognized representatives of inhabitants’ associations, international networks, NGOs and public agencies, can agree with the interested communities on alternatives to the evictions, demolitions and land takeovers, and on the repatriation of people already evicted.

The United Nations, Russia, the European Union and the United States (The Quartet) and all the governments of the world:

To publicly condemn the policies of eviction and demolition and settler takeover in démarches to the Israeli government and resolutions in the United Nations;

To restrict the export to Israel of equipment used in demolitions until the Israeli government and military adequately implement policies respecting the housing rights of Palestinians, both citizens of Israel and those living under military occupation;

To cease the upgrading of trade relations and restrict foreign aid until Israel’s policies towards Palestinians are brought into compliance with the Fourth Geneva Convention and the various universal declarations governing the responsibilities of Occupying Powers and the rights of indigenous peoples, minorities and all people;

To use their influence to end the policies of demolition, eviction and land takeovers.

The United Nations (UN-Habitat):

To ensure respect for international norms protecting the right to housing by sending an urgent independent mission of the Advisory Group on Forced Evictions (AGFE) to monitor and identify and to promote alternatives to the demolitions and evictions.

(The following is suggested as a letter sent to signatories of the call)

Dear friend,

Thank you for your support for the Zero Palestinian Evictions Campaign, Now! To build a successful campaign on this call we propose you:

To build reciprocal relationships with organizations in Palestine and Israel working for just policies protecting rights of housing, residency and citizenship; [hyperlink to a page with local groups]
To pressure your governmental representatives to pursue the policies in this call;

To write letters to the editor to increase media coverage and public awareness of demolitions and evictions in Israel and Palestine;

To call, fax and/or email the local diplomatic and consular representatives of Israel and demand an end to evictions, demolitions and land takeovers; [hyperlink to page with Israeli government and embassy contact information]

To call, fax and/or email local diplomatic and consular representatives of the United States to ask, as Israel’s closest ally, it use its influence to end the policies of demolition, eviction and land takeovers. [hyperlink to page with US government and embassy contact info]

To support the 2005 call from Palestinian civil society for boycott, divestment and sanctions against Israel until it complies with international law and respects Palestinian self-determination, including in matters of housing rights, zoning and planning; [hyperlink to the call on www.bdsmovement.org]
To include solidarity with housing rights in Palestine and Israel in local demonstrations and protests.

Thanks again for your support and we look forward to working together in the struggle for justice in Palestine and Israel.

yours in solidarity,

The Zero Palestinian Evictions Campaign, Now!

لا لإقصاء الفلسطينيين، والآن!

الرابطات السكانيه، الشبكات الدولية ، الجماعات التطوعية، المنظمات غير الحكومية ، الهيئات العامة ، ومواطنو العالم ، يعلنون عن سخطهم الشديد وينددون بسياسات الإقصاء والهدم الاسرائيلية المستمرة ضد الشعب الفلسطيني ، في الضفة الغربية، قطاع غزه، القدس وفي أوساط فلسطينيو أل-48 داخل إسرائيل.

تقوم وزارة الداخلية الإسرائيلية سنويا بهدم مئات المنازل التي يمتلكها الفلسطينيون، من خلال وضع مخططات هندسيه وخرائط هيكليه، دون الأخذ بالحسبان احتياجات المجتمعات المحلية. بالإضافة إلى وجود عشرات القرى غير المعترف بها من قبل الحكومة، والسكان يعيشون في عدم استقرار وفي انتظار أن تأتي عمليات الهدم والإقصاء بكل لحظه. عمليات الإقصاء والهدم هذه تتم تحت ادعاء "الدفاع عن القانون" على الرغم من كونه يشكل انتهاكا للقوانين الدولية.

بلدية القدس ، والإدارة المدنية وقوات الدفاع الاسرائيلية قد هدمت ما يزيد على 24000 من المنازل الفلسطينية في الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة منذ عام 1967 تحت ذرائع "التمسك بقوانين" المخططات والخرائط الهيكليه (أمور إداريه) ، كعقاب جماعي (عقابي) ، من خلال عمليات عسكرية "تنظيف الارض". الهدم الإداري والعقابي هو انتهاكات واضحة لاتفاقية جنيف الرابعة لعام 1949 ، ووجد الجيش الإسرائيلي نفسه انه "سيكون من الصعب التبرير من وجهة النظر القانونية"، الكثير من الدمار تم في كانون الأول / ديسمبر 2008 وكانون الثاني / يناير 2009 من خلال الهجمات على قطاع غزة. هذه المؤسسات الثلاث أيضا تنسق وتسهل عمليات الاستيلاء على الأراضي والمنازل الفلسطينية، التي يقوم بها المستوطنون الإسرائيليون بانتهاك القانون الدولي.

عمليات الهدم والإقصاء هي انتهاكا واضحا للقوانين والمواثيق الدولية التي صدقت عليها إسرائيل :

• معاهده جنيف الرابعة المتعلقة بحماية المدنيين في زمن الحرب (المادتان 53 ، 147) (1949)

• الاتفاقية الدولية لمناهضة التعذيب (المادة 16) ، على الرغم من الملاحظات الختامية للجنة مناهضة التعذيب (2002)

• المعاهدة الدولية الخاصة بالحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية (المادة 11) ، على الرغم من الملاحظات الختامية (2003)

• معاهده حقوق الطفل (المادة 27) ، على الرغم من الملاحظات الختامية للجنة حقوق الطفل (2002)

• المعاهدة الدولية الخاصة بالحقوق المدنية والسياسية (المادتان 7 و 12 و 17 و 26) ، على الرغم من الملاحظات الختامية للمعاهدة معاهده (2003)

• الاتفاقية الدولية للقضاء على التمييز ضد المرأة (المادة 14) ، على الرغم من التعليقات الختامية الصادرة عن القضاء على التمييز ضد المرأة (2005)

• والمعاهدة الدولية للقضاء على جميع أشكال التمييز العنصري (المادتان 2 و 3 و 5) ، على الرغم من الملاحظات الختامية للجنة القضاء على التمييز العنصري (2007)

ولذلك فان الرابطات السكانية، الشبكات الدولية، الجماعات التطوعية، المنظمات غير الحكومية ، الهيئات العامة، قررت إطلاق حمله ضد عمليات الإقصاء للفلسطينيين، الآن!

الرجاء الانضمام إلى نداء التضامن الآن!

نداء إلى التضامن الدولي

لا لإقصاء الفلسطينيين، والآن!

الرابطات السكانية، الشبكات الدولية ، الجماعات التطوعية، المنظمات غير الحكومية ، الهيئات العامة ، ومواطنو العالم ، يعلنون عن سخطهم الشديد وينددون بسياسات الإقصاء والهدم الاسرائيليه المستمرة ضد الشعب الفلسطيني ، في الضفة الغربية، قطاع غزه، القدس وفي أوساط فلسطينيو أل-48 داخل إسرائيل.

عمليات الإقصاء والهدم هذه تشكل انتهاكا واضحا للقانون الدولي.

ولذلك، فإننا ندين هذه الانتهاكات ونناشد:

الحكومة الإسرائيلية :

• أن تتوقف فورا عن هدم منازل المواطنين الفلسطينيين في إسرائيل، بوصفها السلطة القائمة بالاحتلال ، ومنازل الفلسطينيين في الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة ؛

• دمج المخططات الهندسية والخرائط الهيكلية والتي تتناسب مع الاحتياجات الاقتصادية والثقافية لجميع المواطنين في داخل المخططات الوطنية؛

• الامتثال ، بوصفها السلطة القائمة بالاحتلال ، الامتثال لاتفاقية جنيف الرابعة ، ووضع حد للعقاب الجماعي من خلال استخدام عمليات الهدم العقابية ؛

• لانهاء الاحتلال والانسحاب من الأراضي الفلسطينية بدلا من الدفاع عن الوضع القائم باستخدام العمليات العسكرية التي تدمر آلاف المنازل ، وتحطيم البنية التحتية المحلية والحد من امكانيه مستقبليه لفلسطين؛

• وضع حد لعمليات إقصاء المستوطنين والاستيلاء على المنازل والأراضي في القدس الشرقية والخليل وجميع أنحاء الأرض الفلسطينية المحتلة ؛

• وضع حد لمصادرة الأراضي من المواطنين الفلسطينيين في إسرائيل ؛

• تقديم تعويضات فورية ، بما فيها إعادة الممتلكات، عودة النازحين، التعويض، طرح بدائل، إعادة التأهيل ، تقديم اعتذار وضمانات بعدم تكرار مثل هذه الأفعال لجميع السكان ، يتضمن المستأجرين المتضررين من عمليات الهدم الذين فقدوا مساكنهم و/ أو الأمتعة الشخصية في هذه العملية ، والذين أصبحوا بلا مأوى و / أو عاطلين عن العمل نتيجة لذلك.

• توفير منتدى يضم: حكومة إسرائيل والسلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية ، جميع الأطراف المعنية ، ممثلون عن السكان، الرابطات السكانية، الشبكات الدولية ، الجماعات التطوعية، المنظمات غير الحكومية ، الهيئات العامة ، يتم الاتفاق من خلاله مع الأطراف المعنية بطرح بدائل للإقصاء والهدم ومصادره الأراضي، واعاده من تم تهجيرهم إلى مساكنهم الاصليه.

الأمم المتحدة ، وروسيا والاتحاد الاوروبي والولايات المتحدة (اللجنة الرباعية) ، وجميع حكومات العالم :

• أن تدين علنا سياسات الطرد والهدم واستيلاء المستوطنين على الأراضي الفلسطينية، والمطالبة بتغيير هذه السياسات من الحكومات الاسرائيليه، واتخاذ قرارات من خلال الأمم المتحدة ؛

• للحد من تصدير المعدات المستخدمة في عمليات الهدم إلى إسرائيل، حتى تحترم الحكومة الإسرائيلية والجيش حق المأوى للفلسطينيين ، سواء مواطني إسرائيل والذين يعيشون تحت الاحتلال العسكري ؛

• الكف عن رفع مستوى العلاقات التجارية وتقييد المساعدات الخارجية، إلى أن تقوم إسرائيل بتغيير سياستها تجاه الفلسطينيين، وتطبيق ما نص عليه في اتفاقيه جنيف الرابعة، والتصريحات الدولية المختلفة، والتي تحمل القوات المحتلة المسؤولية، وتدعو لحقوق السكان الأصليين ، والأقليات ، وجميع الناس ؛

• لاستخدام نفوذها لوضع حد لسياسة الهدم والإقصاء والاستيلاء على الأراضي.

الأمم المتحدة :

• لضمان احترام المعايير الدولية التي تحمي الحق في السكن من خلال ارسال بعثة عاجلة مستقلة للفريق الاستشاري المعني بالإخلاء القسري (AGFE) لرصد وتحديد وتشجيع بدائل لعمليات الهدم والإقصاء.

(وفيما يلي اقتراح رسالة إلى الموقعين على هذه الدعوة)

صديقي العزيز ،

شكرا لدعمكم لحملة لا لإقصاء الفلسطينيين، الآن!
لبناء حملة ناجحة لهذه الدعوة ، نقترح عليك :

• بناء علاقات متبادلة مع مؤسسات في فلسطين وإسرائيل من أجل وضع سياسات تحمي حقوق السكن ، والإقامة والمواطنة ؛ [وصلة إلى صفحة مع المجموعات المحلية]

• لضغط ممثليك الحكوميين لمتابعة السياسات في هذه الدعوة ؛

• لكتابة الخطابات الى رؤساء تحرير الصحف لزيادة تغطية وسائل الإعلام والتوعية العامة من عمليات الهدم والإقصاء في إسرائيل وفلسطين ؛

• بعث دعوة، فاكس و / أو بريد الكتروني إلى الممثلين الدبلوماسيين والقنصليين محليين والطلب من إسرائيل وضع حد لعمليات الإقصاء والهدم ، والاستيلاء على الأراضي ؛ [وصلة لصفحة وسائل اتصال مع الحكومة الاسرائيلية والسفارات )

• بعث دعوة ، فاكس و / أو بريد إلكتروني إلى الممثلين الدبلوماسيين والقنصليين المحليين للولايات المتحدة ومسائلتها ،بما أنها اقرب حليف لاسرائيل ، بان تستخدم نفوذها لوضع حد لسياسة الهدم والإقصاء والاستيلاء على الأراضي. [وصلة لصفحة وسائل اتصال مع الحكومة الأمريكية والسفارة]

• دعم نداء عام 2005، من قبل المجتمع المدني الفلسطيني لمقاطعة الاستثمارات والعقوبات ضد اسرائيل حتى تمتثل للقانون الدولي ، يحترم حق تقرير المصير للفلسطينيين ، بما في ذلك مسائل حقوق الإسكان ، والتخطيط وتقسيم المناطق ؛ [وصلة لهذا النداء على شبكة الاتصالات العالمية. bdsmovement.org]

• ضم الدعم لحقوق المسكن في فلسطين وإسرائيل في المظاهرات والاحتجاجات المحلية.

الشكر مرة أخرى لدعمكم ونتطلع إلى العمل معا في النضال من أجل العدالة في فلسطين وإسرائيل.

معك في التضامن ،

لا لإقصاء الفلسطينيين ، والآن!

ברית הדיירים הבינלאומית, רשתות בינלאומיות, קבוצות מתנדבים, עמותות, סוכנויות ציבוריות, אזרחי העולם, מביעים את זעמם
ומוקיעים את מדיניות ישראל המתמשכת של פינויים והריסות בתים של פלסטינים, גם אלו החיים בתוך הקו הירוק בעלי אזרחות
ישראלית, וגם אלו החיים בשטחים הכבושים.

משרד הפנים הישראלי הורס מדי שנה מאות בתים של אזרחי ישראל הפלסטינים לפי תוכניות מתאר אשר באופן מכוון אינן תואמות את
צרכי האוכלוסייה. בנוסך לכך ישנם עשרות כפרים שאינם מוכרים על ידי הממשלה שתושביהם חיים בחוסר היציבות המתמיד הבא עם
קיומם של צווי הריסה ופינוי על בתיהם. הריסות ופינויים אלו נעשים בשם "שמירת החוק" אך על פי שהם מנוגדים לחוק הבינלאומי.

מאז 1967 עיריית ירושלים, המנהל האזרחי וצה"ל הרסו מעל ל 24,000 בתים פלסטינים בשטחים הכבושים בשם "שמירת החוק" של
תוכניות מתאר (הריסות מנהלתיות), כענישה קולקטיבית, ובמהלך פעילות מבצעית צבאית. ההריסות המנהלתיות ואלו הנעשות לשם
ענישה מפרות באופן ברור ובוטה את אמנת ג'נבה הרביעית, ולגבי הרס הבתים בתקיפות האחרונות בעזה במהלך מבצע עופרת יצוקה
צה"ל עצמו מודה: "קשה מאוד להצדיק (את ההריסות) מנקודת מבט חוקית". שלושת הטקטיקות הללו משרתות את ההשתלטות של
מתנחלים ישראלים על שטחים פלסטינים, זאת בניגוד לחוק הבינלאומי.

ההריסות והפינויים בפירוש מפרים את החוקים והאמנות הבינלאומיות הנ"ל:

(1949) (147 , אמנת ג'נבה הרביעית בהקשר להגנה על אזרחים בזמן מלחמה (סעיף 53 o

( הועדה נגד עינויים) ( 2002 ) CAT האמנה הבינלאומית נגד ניסויים (סעיף 16 ) למרות המסקנות החד משמעיות של o

CESCR האמנה הבינלאומית בדבר זכויות כלכליות, חברתיות ותרבותיות (סעיף 11 ) למרות המסקנות החד משמעיות של o

( (הועדה הכלכלית-חברתית-תרבותית) ( 2003
( הועדה לזכויות הילד) ( 2002 ) CRC אמנת זכויות הילד (סעיף 27 ) למרות המסקנות החד משמעיות של o

26 ) למרות המסקנות החד משמעיות של ,17 ,12 , האמנה הבינלאומית בדבר זכויות אזרחיות ופוליטיות (סעיפים 7 o

( הועדה לזכויות אזרחיות ופוליטיות) ( 2003 ) CCPR
הועדה למניעת ) CEDAW האמנה הבינלאומית למניעת אפליה כנגד נשים (סעיף 14 ) למרות המסקנות החד משמעיות של o

( הפלייה כלפי נשים) ( 2005
CERD 5) למרות המסקנות החד משמעיות של ,3 , האמנה הבינלאומית למניעת כל צורות האפליה הגזעית (סעיף 2 o

(הועדנה למניעת אפליה גזעית)

לפיכך אנו, ברית הדיירים הבינלאומית, רשתות בינלאומיות, קבוצות מתנדבים, עמותות, וסוכנויות ציבוריות החלטנו להשיק את קמפיין

אפס פינויים של פלסטינים, עכשיו!

אנא הצטרפו עכשיו לקריאה לסולידריות!

קריאה בינלאומית לסולידריות

אפס פינויים של פלסטינים, עכשיו!

אנו, ברית הדיירים הבינלאומית, רשתות בינלאומיות, קבוצות מתנדבים, עמותות, סוכנויות ציבוריות, אזרחי העולם, מביעים את זעמם
ומוקיעים את מדיניות ישראל המתמשכת של פינויים והריסות בתים של פלסטינים, גם אלו החיים בתוך הקו הירוק בעלי אזרחות
ישראלית, וגם אלו החיים בשטחים הכבושים, זאת בניגוד לחוק הבינלאומי.

על כן אנו מוקיעים הפרות אלו ופונים:

לממשלת ישראל:

להפסיק מיד את הריסות הבתים של הפלסטי נים אזרחיי ישראל, וכמו כן ככוח כובש את בתיהם של הפלסטינים תושבי o
השטחים הכבושים;

לתכנן וליישם תוכניות מתאר התואמות את הצרכים התרבותיים והכלכליים של כל אזרחיי ותושביי המדינה; o

ככוח כובש, לפעול על פי אמנת ג'נבה הרביעית ולהפסיק את הענישה הקולקטיבית המיושמת בהריסת בתים לשם ענישה; o

לסיים את הכיבוש ולסגת משטחים הכבושים במקום להגן על המצב הקיים על ידי פעולות צבאיות הזורעות הרס על o

התשתיות העירוניות המקומיות ופוגעות באופן חמור בעתיד הפוטנציאלי של פלסטין;
לשים קץ לפינויים והשתלטויות על בתים ואדמות על ידי מתנחלים במזרח ירושלים, חברון, ובכל רחבי השטחים הכבושים. o

לשים קץ להפקעת האדמה לתושבי ישראל הפלסטינים; o

לתת פיצויי מידי הכולל החזרת רכוש, פיצויים, מגורים חלופיים ראויים, התנצלות והבטחה שהדבר לא יחזור על עצמו לכל o

דייר, כולל שוכרים, שהושפעו מההריסות, שאיבדו את מגוריהם ו/או רכוש פרטי בתהליך ושנהפכו חסרי בית ו/או מובטלים
כתוצאה מכך;

להקים פורום בו ממשלת ישראל והרשות הפלסטינית, כל הגופים המעוניינים, כולל נציג מוכר של ברית הדיירים o

הבינלאומית, רשתות בינלאומיות, קבוצות מתנדבים, עמותות, סוכנויות ציבוריות יוכלו כולם יחד להחליט על אלטרנטיבה
לפינויים, להריסות ולגזילת האדמות ועל הפיצויים לאלו שכבר פונו;

לאו"ם, רוסיה, האיחוד האירופי וארצות הברית (הרביעייה) וכל ממשלות העולם:

להוקיע בפומבי את מדיניות הפינויים, הריסות הבתים והשתלטות המתנחלים בהודעה רשמית לממשלת ישראל והחלטה o

להגביל את היצוא לישראל של ציוד המשמש בהריסות עד אשר ממשלת ישראל וצה"ל יישמו כראוי מדיניות אשר מכבדת o
את זכותם של פלסטינים לדיור, אזרחי ישראל ותושבי השטחים הכבושים כאחד;

להפסיק את שדרוג יחסי המסחר ולהגביל תמיכה זרה עד שמדיניות ישראל כלפי הפלסטינים תהיה תואמת לאמנת ג'נבה o
הרביעית והאמנות הבינלאומיות השונות;

להשתמש בהשפעתן לשים קץ למדיניות ההריסות, הפינויים והשתלטות על אדמה. o








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Its in all the Israeli papers, Jordan, you idiot

Its in all the Israeli papers, Jordan, you idiot

Re: Mythology Is Fun

Don't pout, just because your lies have been soundly refuted. Spam is when you post this ridiculous BS here, in order to disrupt IMC.

Re: Re: Re: Zionist Extremists Oppose Peace Talks

So what?

How is it relevant here?

The subject of the original post demonstrates WHY they're so angry and frustrated.

Re: Annapolis A Charade

Annapolis: US prepares Palestinian civil war, rallies Arab support against Iran
Chris Marsden | 30.11.2007 00:25 | Analysis | World

Watching the painful performances of Bush, Olmert and Abbas was an audience comprising the representatives of 40 nations, including the European powers and Russia and 16 Arab states, including Syria and Saudi Arabia, which do not recognize Israel.

They assembled, in part, in order to give an official benediction to the Bush administration’s improbable claim that Annapolis will inaugurate a yearlong drive to secure peace between Israel and Palestine and the creation of a Palestinian state. The primary importance of this pretence is that it provides a vital cover for their acquiescence in America’s stepping up of hostilities—both economic and military—against Iran.

The plan unveiled at the US Naval facility in Maryland has been grandiosely described as an end to a seven-year freeze in peace talks, requiring the personal sponsorship and commitment from Bush, and necessitating his Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice racking up hundreds of thousands of miles of shuttle diplomacy to the Middle East diplomacy. The aim, so official propaganda would have it, is that Bush will leave a just settlement between Israel and Palestine—rather than the debacle in Iraq—as his legacy when he quits office in January 2009. The real timetable on which both are operating is based on the recognition that Iran must be neutralized if US hegemony over the oil riches of the Middle East is to be secured.

To this end, Bush has tried to cast himself as an honest broker between Israel and Palestine, relying on the readiness of the media and the Arab regimes to forget the fact that Israel is the foremost client state of the US. The Annapolis “declaration”—all 437 words of it—in fact confirms the pattern in which the US continues to place no demands that Israel would find unacceptable, while insisting that the Fatah-led Palestinian Authority crush all resistance to Israel as a precondition for any settlement.

Not even the agreement on a joint declaration of principles was reached until 30 minutes before Bush read it out. How it was finally arrived at paints a vivid picture of the actual political relations at Annapolis—a bloc between the US and Israel dictating an agenda to their puppet, Abbas.

Haaretz cites Palestinian sources as saying that a stalemate was resolved at Annapolis itself when, “Finally, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice took Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas out of a three-way meeting with US President George Bush and Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and pressured him to approve the draft document. Eventually, he did so, enabling Bush to read it to the conference.”

Israeli sources painted an even more damning picture, stating that when the Palestinians had refused to sign, Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, “who headed the Israeli team, lost her temper and told [Palestinian negotiator Ahmed] Qureia to ‘take it or get lost.’”

Sections of the Israeli negotiating team told Livni that a declaration “was ‘a waste of time,’ and suggested she forget about it.”

For months no document could be drafted because Israel refused to accept being tied to any position on key Palestinian demands, such as the right of return, an end to Jewish settlement, borders, water supplies and accepting east Jerusalem as the capital of a future Palestinian state. Much has been made of the declaration’s statement that both parties will undertake negotiations for a treaty “resolving all outstanding issues, including all core issues without exception.” But none of these issues are named.

Abbas’s own spokesman, Nabil Abu Rudeina, dismissed the statement, explaining, “We failed to conclude a document for the last three, four months. We couldn’t agree on one single point.’”

And as the New York Times pointed out, “While the two sides said their talks would be aimed at concluding a treaty that deals with all ‘core issues,’ they couldn’t agree on naming them and how they might be addressed.”

What the statement does say is that “implementation of the future peace treaty will be subject to the implementation of the road map, as judged by the United States.”

This passage assigns to Washington the sole right to decide whether the provisions of the road map are being met, ending the pretence that the “Quartet,” which includes the US, the United Nations, Russia and the European Union, are equal partners in seeking peace.

The central demand contained in the road map upon which Abbas will be judged to have been successful is his ensuring the “security of Israel” by dismantling “terrorist organizations.” In effect, Abbas has again been placed on notice that he must crush all resistance to Israel amongst the Palestinians, beginning by taking back control of the Gaza Strip from Hamas.

Abbas is in a weak position from which to take on Hamas, which organised a demonstration of tens of thousands in Gaza denouncing him as a “collaborator” and “traitor” for attending Annapolis. Even in the West Bank stronghold of Fatah, smaller demonstrations took place. Police violently broke up the demonstrations, arresting hundreds and killing a 36-year-old man in Hebron.

The European powers are being subjected to a shakedown by Washington to fund Abbas in his conflict with Hamas. France will host a donors’ conference later next month.

It may be that Israel decides that it will intervene on his behalf by mounting a military incursion into Gaza. This was suggested as a strong possibility in the right-wing Jerusalem Post, which noted that even as Annapolis was concluding, “the defense establishment began gearing up for the possibility that Defense Minister Ehud Barak, upon his return from the United States, will order a large-scale military operation into the Gaza Strip.”

It cited a defence official stating, “Israel held back from launching such an operation ahead of the summit since it didn’t want to be blamed for ruining the summit. Once that the summit is over, there is an opportunity to go into Gaza and strike back at Hamas.”

“A large operation in Gaza would require the IDF to call up large numbers of reservists and to mobilize almost two divisions from the Infantry, Armored and Engineering Corps,” it concluded.

The Los Angeles Times credited Abbas with having tried to “demonstrate to Israel that he’s serious about asserting control, starting in the West Bank. He has deployed hundreds of extra police officers to the unruly city of Nablus. He has closed dozens of Hamas charities, fired Hamas preachers, arrested hundreds of Hamas activists, including many gunmen, confiscated weapons and issued a decree aimed at drying up millions of dollars in donations to Hamas from abroad.”

But this is not enough for Israel. Abbas is faced with nothing less than a demand that he launch a full-scale civil war, which could precipitate his own downfall as a result of popular opposition. A Hamas official warned, “Abbas would be a fool to return to the Gaza Strip aboard an Israeli tank. Any Palestinian who enters the Gaza Strip with Israel’s assistance will be treated as an enemy.”

Olmert’s own hold on power is precarious. Even the verbal concessions he has made have provoked a furious response from the opposition parties led by Likud, the settlers and his far-right and orthodox coalition partners, which could bring down his government.

Prior to Annapolis, the Knesset approved a bill barring any agreement to divide Jerusalem. Eli Yishai, leader of Shas party, threatened to pull out of the government if “Jerusalem was mentioned at Annapolis.” An estimated 25,000 took part in a mass prayer service at the Western Wall protesting Annapolis, before moving on to Olmert’s Jerusalem residence and nationalist groups blocked streets in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv.

Following the summit Zevulun Orlev, chairman of the National Union party, declared that “the State of Israel is facing a liquidation sale” and called on Shas chairman Eli Yishai and Yisrael Beitenu head Avigdor Lieberman to resign from the ruling coalition immediately. Yishai defended himself by stating categorically that the division of Jerusalem was not on the table because “the Palestinian leadership has failed to implement the first phase of the Road Map—the dismantling of terror organizations.”

The real measure of success for Bush was the participation of the Arab regimes in the Annapolis charade and its endorsement by the European powers and Russia.

When Bush declared in his speech that “a battle is under way for the future of the Middle East and we must not cede victory to the extremists,” the assembled delegates were clear that he was not merely targeting Hamas. The most honest appraisal of Annapolis in the US media was made by Steven Erlanger in the New York Times, who wrote, “The Middle East peace conference here on Tuesday was officially about ending the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. But there was an unspoken goal just below the surface: stopping the rising regional influence of Iran and Islamic radicalism.”

An adviser to the Palestinian negotiating team, “who spoke on condition of anonymity”, told Erlanger, “The Arabs have come here not because they love the Jews or even the Palestinians. They came because they need a strategic alliance with the United States against Iran.”

Dan Gillerman, Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations, added that the Arab regimes were in attendance because of “their fear of Islamic extremism and Iran, which they call the Persian threat. This is what brought them here.”

The Jerusalem Post was also candid stating that Olmert’s meeting with Bush following Annapolis would “try to translate the summit’s momentum into a more effective effort to thwart Teheran’s nuclear drive.” It was pleased that “Along with the Arab states, vital potential partners of the US and Israel in the bid to thwart Iran were notably present at Annapolis, with France, Britain, Germany, Italy, China and Russia all represented at the level of foreign minister.”

China and Russia, described as the “two key holdouts against intensified sanctions,” have said they would “reassess their positions” following next month’s United Nations Security Council discussions centering on “the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) of its scope and of the degree of Iranian compliance with inspection requirements,” the Post noted with satisfaction.

Iran was clear that it was the target of the manoeuvres by Washington at Annapolis. Tehran responded by announcing on the same day as the meeting that it had developed a new Ashura missile system, which has a range of 1,200 miles and is capable of hitting Israel and American bases in the Middle East.

Re: Re: Lying With The Lights On

The real 'facts on the ground' in the Middle East
Neil MacDonald
November 28, 2007

Hamas clearly exists. And no one understands that better than the main participants in the Middle East peace negotiations that restarted here this week.

Yet the Islamist radicals, who now control the day-to-day lives of the 1.4 million souls living inside the Gaza Strip, were resolutely ignored in the florid, optimistic speeches beamed across the world from Annapolis, Md.

Only Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, when outlining the diverse flaws and weaknesses of Palestinian society as he saw them — terrorism, lack of governmental institutions and law enforcement, indeed, the absence of any real legal system, etc. — mentioned "the rule of Hamas in the Gaza Strip."

Palestinian Leader Mahmoud Abbas and President Bush made no mention at all of the Islamic Resistance Movement, otherwise known as Hamas. Which is probably understandable.

Hamas is a rather messy "fact on the ground," to use an old bit of Middle East jargon. It might not be the only Islamic fundamentalist group in the region with a tendency toward violent jihad. But it is the only one to ever win a parliamentary majority in free and fair elections.

In January of last year, Hamas whipped Fatah, the old, established party led by Abbas and which had come over the years to regard power as its vested right. Hamas took 74 of 132 seats. Fatah took 45.

By the standards of those in official Washington, who constantly urge democracy on a developing world, that result should make Hamas the legitimate representative of a good chunk of the Palestinian people. But of course that is not the case.

Uncomfortable revolutionaries
I should stop here and say I hesitate even to make this point. Like most journalists I know with Middle East experience, and I know quite a few, I understand how radioactive Hamas is as a subject for analysis.

Its members have slaughtered Israeli civilians — men, women and children — and quite a few Palestinians who have stood in their way.

Many Westerners, particularly supporters of Israel, the country Hamas has sworn to destroy, see the group as a form of pure evil. The very mention of its name, and especially its elected credentials, can provoke a torrent of emotional anger.

For those reasons, Hamas is anathema to most Western governments (Canada's among them).

Secular Arab parties like Fatah despise the fundamentalists, too. They regard them as a mortal threat. As well they should.

Because in a society noted for cynical corruption, the men of Hamas tend to be ascetics. I have been in some of their homes and they are threadbare, nothing like the spectacular seaside villas Abbas and his Fatah colleagues were somehow able to afford when they controlled the Strip.

What's more, unlike the comfortable revolutionaries of Fatah, whom I have seen treat ordinary Palestinian labourers like so much roadside garbage, Hamas ministers to the most basic needs of the poor, running orphanages, clinics and soup kitchens, all the better to draw them into the mosque.

Hamas at the table
That approach was ultimately what won Hamas its popular mandate, at least until the next scheduled elections in 2010. But no invitation to Annapolis.

Instead, Hamas stayed in Gaza, where it organized hundreds of thousands of protesters and threatened publicly to kill any deal Abbas might strike with Olmert. (Killing Abbas himself might not be out of the question for them, either. It was, after all, an Egyptian member of the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas's parent organization, who killed then Egyptian president Anwar Sadat in 1981 after he signed that original peace deal with the Israelis).

Nonetheless, a man who helped broker that deal thinks Hamas should be at the table. Zbigniew Brzezinski, the former national security adviser in Jimmy Carter's White House, feels it makes sense.

Yes, he says, he fully understands that Hamas refuses even to recognize the existence of the state of Israel. But he remembers the intransigence of an earlier Israeli prime minister, Likud leader Menachem Begin.

"I was in the White House when Likud came to power and the prime minister was saying there was no such thing as a Palestinian — that this is a fiction — and yet we didn't boycott [Likud], we didn't stop supporting it financially, we kept negotiating with them and in the end, the Likud accepted a two-state solution, at least in principle.

"The same process has to be applied towards Hamas."

Brzezinski also understands that the United States and Canada, along with many other nations, consider Hamas terrorists. But he argues that it does no good for governments to label other administrations, pointing to North Korea, a so-called terrorist state with which Washington is about to conclude an arms deal.

"Well look, one can always issue labels to people, and say, because of the label, I am not negotiating with them. But then you have to ask yourself why you are issuing the label in the first place. Maybe it is because you don't want to negotiate with them."

Meanwhile, on the other side
But Hamas is not the only force capable of torpedoing the fragile, tentative framework for peace that is the best hope of these negotiations.

Ehud Olmert might be the Israeli prime minister. But, in reality, he may be no stronger than Abbas back home.

Arrayed against him are influential religious and nationalist leaders, people who believe in a "Greater Israel," a biblical concept that stretches from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea. (Which, incidentally, are precisely the borders Hamas envisions for Palestine).

These are people who regard the Hebrew Bible as a property deed and have little interest in the political aspirations or compromises of whoever is leading the latest coalition in Israel's parliament.

Leading rabbis have declared that God forbids ceding even one inch of Greater Israel. As well, as is often noted, many of the 187,000 Israeli settlers in the West Bank are armed and have military experience.

I have seen them scream at, spit upon and abuse the Israeli soldiers who are in the West Bank at least partly to assure their personal security.

They deeply oppose the Annapolis talks. Already, they have been telling reporters they will never respect any deal Olmert might sign and that they will never, ever leave their homes in the settlements.

They've said that before, of course, and who knows what will happen this time. The Israeli army forcibly removed settlers from the Sinai peninsula after the deal with Egypt, and from Gaza when Ariel Sharon decided it was against Israel's interest to remain in the Strip.

But the Sinai and Gaza are not the West Bank. The religious and ultranationalists consider Hebron, in the West Bank, the original city of King David. The stony crags of the northern West Bank and the fertile fields of the south are, to them, eternally God-given Jewish land. Only a traitor, they say, would even think of giving any of it away.

Is this just talk? Perhaps, but Israel's security forces certainly take it seriously. It was, after all, one of their adherents, Yigal Amir, who shot and killed Yitzhak Rabin, the first Israeli politician to sign a deal with the Palestinians.

The settlers and their fellow travellers are, in fact, another messy fact on the ground, and they won't be at the table any more than Hamas will. The Western world much prefers to deal with moderates and wants to believe they can prevail. The history of the Middle East, however, would suggest otherwise.


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